Journal of International Studies

Yesterday marked the 94th anniversary of one of the most significant turning points in American foreign policy history: the  Senate’s vote to reject the Treaty of Versailles . By coincidence, yesterday also saw  World Politics Review publish a piece I wrote entitled “ Backseat Driving: The Role of Congress in American Diplomacy .” Here is an excerpt to give you a flavor of the argument: Diplomacy in the American political system is frequently described as the exclusive province of presidents. Thomas Jefferson, America’s first secretary of state,  wrote in 1790 , “The transaction of business with foreign nations is executive altogether. . . . Exceptions are to be strictly construed.” A decade later, John Marshall, who would go on to become the most influential chief justice in U.S. history,  declared on the floor of the House of Representatives , “The president is the sole organ of the nation in its external relations, and its sole representative with foreign nations.” Justice Geor

A mixture of oil, diesel fuel, water and mud sprays as roughnecks wrestle pipe on a True Company oil drilling rig outside Watford, North Dakota, October 20, 2012. Picture taken October 20, 2012. REUTERS/Jim Urquhart America has moved from oil scarcity to oil abundance, and our attitudes need to change in order to keep up. If the  stream  of headlines  and panels is any indication, you’d have to be an idiot to disagree with that claim. So call me stupid, because I just don’t see it. There’s no question that U.S. oil production is booming. The country  has passed  Saudi Arabia as the world’s biggest liquid fuels producer and is  now producing  more oil than it imports. The rise in U.S. output, which is poised to continue, is  good news  for the economy and national security. It’s also something that leaders need to adjust to as they develop policy and strategy. But setting production records and passing milestones is fundamentally different from abundance. By pretty much every m

Left with a tattered economy after nearly three years of war, an effective economic recovery plan should be a cornerstone of Syria’s reconciliation. The Syrian conflict is destroying the economy and creating a long term economic crisis for Syria that will make a lasting peace in the future even more difficult. With the ongoing fighting, the economy’s downward trend persists and experts expect Gross Domestic Product (GDP) to decrease by a further 13.9 percent by year-end (it is already  down 14.4 percent in 2012 ). Furthermore, de-industrialization, debt, and geographic division worsen the outlook of Syria’s economy beyond the current conflict. Addressing the country’s economic crisis and presenting viable measures for an economic recovery should go hand in hand with the political reconciliation process. The country’s main economic drivers were hit particularly hard. Among those, Syria’s oil sector is at a standstill. The energy infrastructure has been severely damaged, wells s

More than any other European state, Germany is responsible for developing and implementing the European Union’s (EU’s) policy toward Russia. Berlin needs to accept this responsibility, assume leadership, and develop a Russia policy fit for the twenty-first century. To succeed, Germans need to closely watch the evolution of the economic, social, and political situation in Russia and adapt their policy as necessary. The next several years in Russia will be interesting, and the next two decades will be decisive for the country’s development. Recommendations for Germany Base the new policy on German and EU interests, principles, and practical needs as well as a realistic assessment of Russia rather than mere impressions of what the Russian people need or a desire to influence the country’s domestic politics.    Broaden people-to-people contacts with ordinary Russians to create social compatibility between Russia and the rest of Europe.   Demand, when necessary, that Russia live up

Iran is a major sponsor of terrorism, striking Israel, U.S. Arab allies, and at times Americans. The twin blasts on Tuesday that destroyed the Iranian embassy in Lebanon and killed at least twenty people, however, should remind us that Iran faces a serious terrorism problem of its own. It is tempting to enjoy Iran getting a taste of its own medicine, but the growing violence risks further destabilizing the Middle East and harming U.S. interests there. A History of Violence Since the 1979 Islamic revolution,  Iran has backed an array of terrorist groups . These groups have fostered unrest in Iraq and the oil-rich Gulf Kingdoms, killed Iran’s enemies in Europe, and struck at enemies like Israel and the United States. Most infamously for Americans, Iran has backed the Lebanese Hizballah, providing it with hundreds of millions of dollars, sophisticated arms, and advanced training. Among its many operations, Hizballah in 1983 bombed the U.S. embassy and the Marine barracks hosting

China’s reliance on coal has serious environmental consequences, but is keeping U.S. companies in business.

Obama can expect some difficult conversations when he heads to Asia in April.

The U.S. needs to rethink its current position on reopening negotiations with Pyongyang.

The pre-2011 status quo in US-Pakistan relations is not coming back. Now's the time to determine its replacement.

Sanctions, centrifuges and personalities aren’t the only forces pushing Iran and the U.S. toward a détente.

The strategic triangle from the Cold War is returning. Only this time, Russia is the prize.

On Monday, John Kerry declared that “the era of the Monroe Doctrine is over.” Don’t believe him.

Tokyo has earned plaudits for its aid approach, but it wants support for its maritime disputes

A high-level bilateral visit in New Delhi this week demonstrates the myriad areas of cooperation between the two.

Offshore engagement presents a middle ground between offshore balancing and deep commitment.

To combat mutual suspicion, the U.S. and China are ramping up their joint humanitarian and disaster relief exercises

An Uyghur leader talks about last month’s incident in Tiananmen Square and the plight of his people.

Moscow seeks to combine pragmatism with maximum leverage, at least until Iran achieves a détente with the West. Russian President Vladimir Putin and his Iranian counterpart Hassan Rouhani at the SCO Summit this year. Image Credit: REUTERS/Mikhail Klimentyev/RIA Novosti/Kremlin To the surprise of many observers, it was France rather than Russia that played the lead role in opposing last weekend’s proposed nuclear deal with Iran. There should have been no surprise, at least in the case of Moscow. A close study of Russian policy shows that Moscow’s role in the Iranian drama is more complex and subtle than simply fanning tensions between Iran and the West. Russian officials have to balance a complex set of goals in their relations with Tehran: supporting nonproliferation, averting war or regime change, maintaining regional security, minimizing sanctions, enhancing Moscow’s diplomatic leverage, limiting U.S. influence in Eurasia, and advancing energy and economic cooperation.

The argument of globalization and nationalism and their relation has been a subject to debate among scholars in the international relations discipline. Both concepts have an important position in our contemporary world. Their importance lies in the creation of modern societies and nations states and their role in the world in which interdependence has increased. As a matter of fact, nationalism has faced a great deal of difficulty in order to survive in this world and it becomes less important, as some would argue. However, others would say that nationalism is benefiting from globalization in gaining more and more strength besides; it is becoming more important than ever. Therefore, to explore the effect of globalization on nationalism and to address their relationship, this essay will look at the concept of both globalization as well as nationalism, followed by how both concepts come to interact with each other, and what are the major arguments of this interaction. Globalization is